Шрифт:
In the literary language and the majority of the dialects, for the first person of the perfect/unwitnessed past an impersonal construction is preferred. It consists of the genitive form of the personal pronoun/animate noun and the participle-based form with the 3rd person reflexive suffix — s'"oma. The meaning of the construction is always that of an involuntary or non-conscious action:
Menam dyr uz's'"oma
I-GEN long sleep-REFL-PERF-3 SG
«I have slept/overslept».
The construction is specialized for the meaning of involuntary action in other tenses as well, and has parallels in other Finno-Ugric languages in that the demotion of the subject (nominative), adding a reflexive suffix (in Finnish, a causative suffix), the directionality, controllability of the action is cancelled. Unplanned actions are often expressed by this construction:
A menam taj"o k"odzyd lunjasys kezl"o bytt'"o t"od"om"on
but I-GEN this cold days-POSSDEF during as.if knowingly
vajs'"oma gortys' medrad'ejtana kn'iga"os
bring-REFL-PERF-3SG home-ELAT most.favored book-ACC
«But for these cold days I happened to have brought as if knowingly from home my most favourite book» [I. Toropov 1988:157].
There is another usage for the reflexive forms. In grammars, it is presented separately as an Aktionsart which expresses finality, exhaustiveness, apparently in all tenses:
Taltn kezl"o udzavs'is
today during work-REFL-PST-3RD
«For today, (we/you/they) have worked enough», «Enough work has been done» [Fedjunjova 1998: 32].
In Komi-Zyryan, a development seems to be taking place which is very natural, and possibly aided by areal influence: the genitive subject appears together with the — oma perfect, which is invariant, that is, impersonal. With transitive verbs, the object is either in the nominative or in the accusative. When nominative, the object can be called a subject, as in other languages which express their perfects with habere verbs:
Menam stavys das't"oma
I-GEN all-NOMDEF prepare-PERF-3 SG
«I have everything prepared».
The accusative object also produces a resulting state interpretation:
Menam stavs"o das't"oma
I-GEN all-ACC prepare-PERF-3SG
«I have everything prepared».
Note that the corresponding grammatical construction is found, though rarely, in the surrounding north Russian dialects, which use a locative possessor with accusative object and a past participle predicative form:
U bat'ki u tvoego sazeno berezku
at-father at-your planted-NEUTRE birch-ACC
«Your father has the/a birch planted, has planted the/a birch».
[Kuz'mina & Nemcenko 1971:93]; «possessive perfect» in [Fici Giusti
1995: 222–231].
While it is difficult, if not impossible, to decide whether any areal influence is at work here, we may note that in Komi, there is a construction with the genitive as an agent of participial attributive forms:
Starukal"on s'et"om sumkays
old.woman-GEN give-PRTC bag-NOMDEF
«the bag given by the old woman» [Bubrih 1949:128].
In present-day Komi, the genitive seems to have been replaced by the instrumental everywhere, but the former usage can be found in the texts of certain writers; it appeared in the spontaneous dialectal speech in the 1940s as well:
No menym okotamunny vorsny, k"ot'i mam"ol"on s'et"om
but I-DAT desire go-lNF play-iNF although mother-GEN give-PRTC
urk"ov"ojys ez esty
task-NOMDEF NEG-PST-3SG end
«But I want to go and play, although the task given by my mother was not finished» [Syij"anische Texte 1995:192].
In other non-finite verbal constructions as well, as in gerundials, the genitive may express the agent of the action [Fedjunjova 1998].
With certain verbs, the genitive expresses the non-active subject, as with the verbs byrny «to be finished», vunny «to be forgotten»: menam vun"oma I-GEN forget-PERF-3SG «I have forgotten» [Fedina 1997:10]. All these usages may have served as analogical basis for the possessive impersonal with — "oma. |